Tuesday, July 30, 2013

What will happen if Hyderabad became Union Territory?

What will happen if Hyderabad became Union Territory?

Reliable sources revealed that Hyderabad will going to become Union Territory, now all questions rising about the treatment of Union territory like what will happen and how it will be and who will get the benefit by this.

It's a quite known fact that the Hyderabad is the main reason which is forcing Seemandhra people to oppose dividing of state into two.

If Hyderabad changed as U.T, even for a limited period, would mean that all the local, state and central taxes and levies collected in metropolitan Hyderabad area would all go to the central . The Union government does not share the revenues collected from a Union Territory with any states.

Almost 55 per cent of AP government's revenues are generated in Hyderabad. Also, 65 per cent of the Union government's revenues from AP are collected from Hyderabad metropolitan area.

In all, Hyderabad contributes Rs 40,000 crore towards state taxes, Rs 35,000 crore towards central taxes and Rs 15,000 crore of local revenues. The total yield comes to a whopping Rs 90,000 crore.

With the fight between politicos of Telangana and Seemandhra region over this "golden goose" getting really nasty, the Union government may decide to keep Hyderabad with itself. This also suits the Union government in more ways than one. The revenues collected from Hyderabad may be shared with the two new states and part of the surplus may be given to Seemandhra for building its own capital.


Ariankuppam and Villianur Communes becomes Municipalities

Pondicherry LAD Minister announced today (30-07-2013) in the concluding Puducherry Budget Session that the Govt. had a proposal to upgrade the Ariankuppam and Villianur Communes as Municipalities.

பராமரிப்பின்றி சிதைந்து வரும் செஞ்சிக் கோட்டை....

பராமரிப்பின்றி சிதைந்து வரும் செஞ்சிக் கோட்டை

Sources: Tamil Murasu ePaper dated 30-07-2013

Gingee Fort further pics Sources: http://chitirampesuthadi.blogspot.in/2010/02/blog-post_9715.html

Also view the related links

Also click the following 2 links for viewing the Gingee Fort precious Photos:

Link No. 001:    https://plus.google.com

Link No. 002:    https://picasaweb.google.com

SC: Freebies and Disqualification of elected representatives

Judicial overreach?

Print Edition: August 9, 2013

AIADMK chief and Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalithaa presenting a laptop computer to a student at a ceremony in Chennai on September 15, 2011. Photo:AFP

The DMK's election promises of free television sets, rice at Rs.2 a kg and gas stoves on symbolic public display at Thiruverumbur near Tiruchi. Photo:M. Moorthy

Three recent judgments by the Supreme Court and one interim order by the Lucknow Bench of the Allahabad High Court have a direct impact on the functioning of Indian democracy. By V. VENKATESAN in New Delhi

INDIAN democracy has a number of aberrations. Some of these have been accepted for so long as intrinsic to its vibrant functioning that none considered them in a pejorative sense—until a few public interest litigants felt that they had the historic responsibility to challenge the legitimacy of these in the higher judiciary. In July, they were successful in seeking a limited restraint on four of them.

In the first case, S. Subramaniam Balaji vs Government of Tamil Nadu and others, decided on July 5 by the Chief Justice of India-designate Justice P. Sathasivam and Justice Ranjan Gagoi, the appellant, Subramaniam Balaji, had challenged the distribution of free gifts (freebies) by political parties on the eve of elections. The Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court had dismissed Balaji's writ petition in which he had argued that the free distribution of colour television sets by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam government in Tamil Nadu after the 2006 Assembly elections, to honour the party's pre-election promise to the electorate, was a waste of public money.

Balaji had also challenged the legitimacy of the promises made by both the ruling and opposition parties in Tamil Nadu on the eve of the 2011 Assembly elections. After the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) was elected to power, its government, under Jayalalithaa, started distributing various freebies to keep the promises made in its election manifesto. Balaji thus sought the intervention of the court to declare the State government's free distribution of grinders, mixies, electric fans, laptop computers, four-gram gold thalis, solar-powered green houses and 20 kilograms of rice to all ration card holders, including those above the poverty line, and cattle and sheep as ultra vires of the provisions of the Constitution of India and Section 123(1) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951, which punishes bribery by candidates or their agents.

The Supreme Court rejected the contention that the promises made by a political party are violative of Section 123(1) of the RPA. Section 123 and other relevant provisions, it held, contemplate corrupt practice by an individual candidate or his agent. Moreover, such corrupt practice is directly linked to his own election irrespective of the question whether his party forms a government or not. The provisions of the RPA place no fetter on the power of political parties to make promises in the election manifesto, the court held.

Secondly, the court held that the concept of state largesse is essentially linked to the Directive Principles of State Policy. Whether the state should frame a scheme, which directly gives benefits to improve the living standards or indirectly does so by increasing the means of livelihood, is for the state to decide and the role of the court is very limited in this regard, it observed. It held that judicial interference was permissible when the action of the government was unconstitutional and not when such action was not wise or when the extent of expenditure was not for the good of the state.

The court, however, agreed with the appellant that distribution of freebies of any kind undoubtedly influenced all people. "Freebies shake the root of free and fair elections to a large degree," it said.

The Election Commission (E.C.), in its submissions to the court in this case, also felt that the promise of such freebies at government cost disturbed the level playing field and vitiated the electoral process. It expressed willingness to implement any directions of the court in this regard.

Considering that there was no enactment that directly governed the contents of the election manifesto, the court directed the E.C. to frame guidelines for the same in consultation with all the recognised political parties. The court also suggested the enactment of a separate law for governing political parties.

The E.C. then called a meeting of all political parties to implement the court's direction suitably in the Model Code of Conduct for candidates and political parties.

As the code comes into effect only from the date of announcement of elections by the Commission, the court suggested that the E.C. make an exception to this norm, as political parties issued their manifestos prior to the announcement of the election schedule.

Disqualification of elected representatives 

In the second case, Lily Thomas vs Union of India (filed by Lok Prahari, a non-governmental organisation), decided on July 10, a Bench comprising Justices A.K. Patnaik and Sudhansu Jyoti Mukhopadhaya held Section 8(4) of RPA ultra vires of the Constitution. Section 8 of the RPA has a threefold categorisation of offences that could lead to the disqualification of elected representatives. Under the first category, covered by Sub-clause (1) of Section 8, a large number of offences are listed, conviction for any one of which entails disqualification. These include rape, insulting the national flag, certain offences under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act (FERA), the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA), the Protection of Civil Rights Act, the Prevention of Corruption Act, and the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act, and certain offences relating to places of religious worship, maintenance of communal harmony, and commission of sati.

The second category, covered by Sub-clause (2) of Section 8, comprises offences relating to hoarding, profiteering and adulteration of food and drugs, and those under the Dowry Prohibition Act. Conviction and a sentence of imprisonment of not less than six months for any such offence entail disqualification.

The third category, provided by Sub-clause (3) of the Section, deals with all other offences. Conviction and a sentence of imprisonment of not less than two years for any such offence entail disqualification. The disqualification of the elected member is to be effective from the date of conviction and will continue until the completion of six years since his or her release from imprisonment.

Sub-clause (4), which has been struck down by the court, reads as follows:

"Notwithstanding anything [in Sub-section (1), Sub-section (2) or Sub-section (3)] a disqualification under either Sub-section shall not, in the case of a person who on the date of the conviction is a member of Parliament or of the Legislature of a State, take effect until three months have elapsed from that date or, if within that period an appeal or application for revision is brought in respect of the conviction or the sentence, until that appeal or application is disposed of by the court."

On the face of it, this provision offended the principle of equality by extending the elected members of Parliament and State legislatures the benefit of retaining their membership by virtue of their filing an appeal against their conviction or sentence, while denying the same to non-members. However, the court struck down this provision not on this ground, which would have required it to examine whether the classification of elected members as a separate class deserving special treatment was justified. Instead, the court found it easy to declare it ultra vires because it was glaringly inconsistent with the constitutional provisions relating to the disqualification for membership of Parliament and the State Assemblies.

Under Article 102(1), a person shall be disqualified from being chosen as, and for being, a member of either House of Parliament, if he is so disqualified by or under any law made by Parliament. Article 191 makes a similar provision with regard to membership of the State Legislative Assemblies or councils. As these Articles make no distinction between being "chosen as" and "for being" a member, the court had no difficulty in concluding that Parliament had no power to make a law to undo these express provisions of the Constitution.

In other words, if because of a disqualification a person cannot be chosen as a member of Parliament or State Legislature, for the same disqualification he cannot continue as a member of Parliament or of the State Legislature. Once a person who was a member of either House of Parliament or House of the State Legislature becomes disqualified by or under any law made by Parliament, his seat automatically falls vacant by virtue of Articles 101(3)(a) and 190(3)(a) of the Constitution, and Parliament cannot make a provision as in Sub-section (4) of Section 8 of the Act to defer the date on which the disqualification of a sitting member will have effect and prevent his seat from becoming vacant on account of the disqualification, the court ruled.

The court, however, clarified that a person—whether a member or a non-member—will not suffer disqualification if he or she obtains a stay of his or her conviction, and not just sentence.

Applying the doctrine of prospective overruling, the court held that those MPs and MLAs who had already filed their appeals against their conviction or sentence would not suffer disqualification on account of their pendency. If, however, they suffer disqualification after the pronouncement of this judgment, then they cannot invoke the protection of Sub-clause (4) of Section 8 of the RPA, the court ruled.

On electors 

In the third case, The Chief Election Commissioner vs Jan Chaukidar (People's Watch), the judgment in which was also pronounced on July 10, the same Bench of the Supreme Court concurred with a ruling of the Patna High Court that a person who has no right to vote is not an elector, and is, therefore, not qualified to contest the election to the Lok Sabha or the State Assembly.

Section 4 of the RPA lays down the qualifications for membership of the Lok Sabha. One of these is that the candidate must be an "elector" in any Lok Sabha constituency. Section 5 of the RPA has a similar provision which states that the candidate for an Assembly election must be an "elector" for any Assembly constituency in that State.

Section 62 of the RPA is titled "Right to Vote" and it provides in Sub-section (5) that no person shall vote in any election if he is confined in a prison, whether under a sentence of imprisonment or transportation or otherwise, or is in the lawful custody of the police. This, however, does not apply to those subjected to preventive detention under any law. Reading these two provisions together, the High Court had held that persons in the lawful custody of the police would not be voters, in which case they would neither be electors; therefore, such electors would not be qualified to contest even if they found their names on the electoral rolls.

Curiously, in this case, although the E.C. had appealed against the Patna High Court order in the Supreme Court, it did so only on a very limited ground, to seek a stay of the order as the election process in Bihar had already begun that year. As the E.C. did not oppose the order on substantive grounds (on the contrary, it supports it), the Supreme Court found no reason to consider the possible legal objections to it.

Caste-based rallies 

In the fourth case, Moti Lal Yadav vs Chief Election Commissioner, the Lucknow Bench of the Allahabad High Court, comprising Justice Uma Nath Singh and Justice Mahendra Dayal, pronounced a brief interim order on July 11, directing that there shall be no caste-based rallies with political motive throughout Uttar Pradesh, until the court heard the petition to issue a writ of mandamus to the E.C. to ban all caste-based rallies and congregations being organised with political motive and to cancel the registration of political parties found to be organising such rallies. The petitioner has also sought a ban on contesting elections on caste lines.

Observers are surprised that the court has issued such an interim order, without hearing the state or the E.C. against the submissions of the petitioner.

In its order, the court observed: "It is a historical fact that the caste system has existed across the religions and throughout the world, but it has always introduced the element of schism, and the evils of discrimination apart from inciting group violence in the society…. In their attempt to seek political base in the caste system by means of politicisation, it appears that the political parties have seriously disturbed the social fabrics and cohesiveness. It has rather resulted in social fissions." With such preconceived premises, it will be anybody's guess how the court will objectively hear the case of those who believe that a ban on caste rallies militates against the constitutional guarantee of the right under Article 19(1) to assemble peaceably and without arms. Mobilisation of castes with a political motive is not a ground mentioned in Article 19(2), which would enable the state or any authority to reasonably restrict such a right.

Most political parties have expressed their reservations about these four judicial interventions, which seriously restrict the freedom of political parties to plan their activities or choose their candidates for elections. They feel that while criminalisation of politics is a menace to be addressed, judicial intervention is not the right way to deal with it and the issue must be resolved by the lawmakers themselves. It appears that the Central government is considering to seek a formal review of the Supreme Court judgments in Lily Thomas and Jan Chaukidar.

There is a view that the court's ruling in Jan Chaukidar will lead to victimisation of political opponents by denying them the right to contest elections, by keeping them under police custody under some pretext, and thereby depriving their right to vote.

Lily Thomas, on the contrary, may lead to situations in which only the rich and powerful politicians manage to retain their seats in Parliament and State legislatures by managing to convince the courts to suspend their convictions, and not just sentences. It is pointed out that Navjot Singh Sidhu, the Bharatiya Janata Party MP, secured the suspension of his conviction by an appellate court. After Lily Thomas, members like Sidhu will not suffer disqualification, if they secure suspension of conviction by an appellate court, despite Section 8(4) of the RPA becoming unconstitutional.

The political class also apprehends situations when court verdicts regarding conviction and suspension of convictions would determine the stability of a ruling political coalition, thus negating the people's mandates in an election.


Also read the related stories

'The judgment will create awareness'

Print edition : August 9, 2013

Shanker Chakravarty Lily Thomas: " If stability is coming from criminals, it is against natural law. "

Interview with advocate Lily Thomas, the petitioner in the Supreme Court case on Representation of People's Act. By SAGNIK DUTTA

LILY THOMAS, 85, an advocate in the Supreme Court, has worked on constitutional law, women's rights and issues of personal liberty. She was the petitioner in the Supreme Court case (Lily Thomas vs Union of India and others) where the court struck down Section 8(4) of the Representation of the People Act (RPA) as being unconstitutional. In 2000, in response to a petition filed by her, the Supreme Court came down heavily on conversion to Islam for the express purpose of entering into a second marriage. Lily Thomas spoke to Frontline about her passion for constitutional values, the possible impact of this judgment on the Indian polity, and the enhanced role of the judiciary and civil society. Excerpts:

The Supreme Court judgment striking down Section 8(4) of the RPA has been hailed as charting a path for decriminalisation of politics. What objectives did you have in mind when you filed the petition?

The primary aim that we had in mind was to ensure that Parliament and public service should be free of criminals and corruption. This is our job; it's the duty of the Bar. With my training and education as an advocate, I would consider it a serious dereliction of duty if I did not take up these issues. This petition was filed in 2005. Also, the Supreme Court has played an important role as the custodian of political ethics. It was receptive to this petition. There was an earlier judgment of the Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court in K. Prabhakarn vs P Jayarajan in 2005 which was interpreted by the respondents as upholding the validity of Sub-section(4) of Section 8 of the RPA. In the present judgment, the Supreme Court cited the case but said that the issue of constitutionality of Section 8 was not at all considered by the Constitution Bench.

What ramifications will the judgment have on Indian polity? Also, why did you think the Supreme Court did not apply the judgment retrospectively on politicians who have resorted to the use of this section?

It is for us as a society to make the judgment work. Corruption and criminality have become part of elections. This pattern of democracy has to be changed. All sorts of evils have crept into the practice of fighting elections. Thanks to judgments like these, our civil society is more active now. The civil society is a natural social phenomenon. We must create "centres of leadership". This is how democracy works. Then only will you become a part of the system. Otherwise, the government becomes an organisation run according to a patron-client system. Citizens do not have access to administration because of corruption. We must create access to an administration and a political system free of corruption.

During the hearing of this case, S.N. Shukla, advocate, cited a passage from the Constituent Assembly debates which clearly provides for disqualification of a Member of Parliament convicted of a crime. Though Article 102 of the Constitution allows Parliament to define disqualification, the right to appeal and the consequent three months' deferral of disqualification are not allowed by the Constitution. I think it was wise on the part of the Supreme Court not to apply the judgment retrospectively because this would have created a whole lot of practical problems. A huge amount of litigation would have come in then and it would have been a huge burden on the administration.

The judgment has once again brought to the fore the issue of Parliament restricting the powers of the government when legislation violates constitutional principles. Does this pre-empt more conflicts between the judiciary and the executive?

The judgment is a clinical interpretation of law, of what the Constitution says. The judiciary very well knows its own limits. The interpretation of law is the function of the judiciary. This judgment will make people think. It will create awareness about constitutional principles.

Doubts have been raised about the political implications of this judgment on the stability of governments in the long run. For instance, if a number of representatives are convicted on criminal charges, a crisis in the government might arise. What are your thoughts on this critique?

If stability is coming from criminals, it is against natural law. Crime does not give stability. Ethics give stability. Stability comes from natural justice. Politicians are making this argument because of their own vested interests. J.M. Lyngdoh had once referred to corrupt politicians as "cancer of society". Only a clean, "satvic" image of Parliament can provide stability.

Are there more such petitions in the offing? What issues do they address?

The court will get to know about the petitions first [smiles]. There is no stale news for the court.


Also read the related Judgments at the following Links

1. S.Subramaniam Balaji vs Govt.Of T.Nadu & Ors. on 5 July, 2013

2. Lily Thomas vs Union Of India & Ors. on 10 July, 2013

3. Chief Election Commissioner Etc. vs Jan Chaukidar (Peoples Watch) on 10 July, 2013

4. Lily Thomas, Etc. Etc vs Union Of India & Ors on 5 May, 2000

5. K.Prabhakaran vs P.Jayarajan on 11 January, 2005

Monday, July 22, 2013

Mangalore Rail Mobile Court collects Rs 20,000 fine...

Rail mobile court collects Rs 20,000 fine

-- (UNI) --

Kannur | Friday, Jul 19 2013 IST
A mobile court in a moving train today collected a fine of Rs 20,000 from passengers.

The mobile court, in the Chennai-Mangalore Mail, nabbed 60 persons within five hours, including the ticket less travelers and unauthorized vendors.

According to RPF, a team led by Kannur Circle Inspector P Vijayakumar and Sub Inspector M Narayanan arrested 60 persons who were traveling between Kozhikode to Manjeswaram from 0750 hrs to 1300 hrs in the Madras Mail, today and produced them before the Mobile court magistrate B M Azu.

The train reached Kannur around 0930 hrs today.

The court was specially arranged inside a compartment. RPF sources said in the coming days also the mobile court would be functioning in some trains to check the ticket less travel and other violations.


Also read the related stories

Railways' drive against ticketless travel rakes in Rs.1.68 lakh

KOCHI, July 19, 2013


Ticketless train passengers at the Ernakulam Junction were in for a surprise when a posse of railway officials swooped down on them on Thursday.

The mega drive conducted by the commercial wing of the railways along with the Railway Protection Force and the Government Railway Police to nab those travelling without tickets netted a fine of Rs.1.68 lakh.

The drive led by Arun Thomas, assistant commercial manager, Thiruvananthapuram railway division, booked 428 passengers without tickets besides those travelling with inadequate or irregular travel papers.

Mostly women

Interestingly, the majority of the ticketless passengers were women and all of them were Malayalis.

The drive started with the arrival of Dhanbad Express from Alappuzha at 7 a.m. It lasted five hours during the course of which the trains operating within the State and those having halt at the station were covered.

The drive was held based on the realisation that a section of the passengers were using to their advantage the largely ineffective on-board checking of tickets owing to the shortage of hands. Those without platform tickets were not covered in the drive.


Also read the related stories

Raise compensation to acid attack victims to Rs. 3 lakh, says Supreme Court

DELHI, July 19, 2013


The Supreme Court on Thursday directed all States to pay acid attack victims Rs. 3 lakh towards medical treatment and aftercare rehabilitation — Rs. 1 lakh within 15 days of an incident and the balance within two months thereafter.

A Bench pointed out that the compensation notified by 17 States and Union Territories was negligible.

In its directions to prevent acid attacks, the court said: "All institutions shall maintain a register of usage of acid and file the same with the local police and the SDM [sub-divisional magistrate] concerned. Further, the institutions should make a person accountable for possession and safe keeping of acid; acid should be stored under the supervision of this person and there should be compulsory checking of students/personnel leaving the laboratories where acid is used."

Any person who breached the court order was "liable to pay a fine of Rs. 50,000. The SDM concerned will be vested with the responsibility of imposing fine for breach/default/violation. Violations of these directions would attract prosecution under the Poisons Act, 1919," the Bench said.

The court directed the Chief Secretaries of all States and Administrators of Union Territories to get the order translated in vernacular languages and publicise it appropriately for information of the public at large and ensure compliance with it.

The Bench asked the Centre to circulate among the States and Union Territories model rules for regulating sale of acid and other corrosive substances framed under the Poisons Act.

States and Union Territories which were yet to frame rules to declare 'acid' a poisonous substance must do so within three months. "The Centre and the States should work towards making offences under the Poisons Act cognisable and non-bailable," the Bench said.

The model rules will cover forms of acids (liquids or crystalline and its concentration) that can be stored and sold; licensing; and procurement by individuals, educational and research institutions, hospitals and industries. A Standard Operating Procedure should also be laid down for management and handling of acids.

The Bench said Maharashtra, Karnataka, Kerala, Haryana, Punjab, Madhya Pradesh, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh had framed the rules; Meghalaya had circulated the draft rules.

Tamil Nadu informed the court that it would come out with the rules in two months. "The States which have already notified rules to regulate sale of acids will have the option to enforce the said rules or adopt the model rules in place of the existing rules."

The matter is listed for further hearing after four months.


Friday, July 12, 2013

குற்றாலம் நீர்வீழ்ச்சி படங்கள்: Courtallam Waterfalls

குற்றாலம் நீர்வீழ்ச்சி படங்கள்

1. Photos Link 001: https://plus.google.com

2. Photos Link 002: https://picasaweb.google.com

Also view the related links

1. Wiki Link in English: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Courtallam

2. Wiki Link in Tamil: https://ta.wikipedia.org/s/cgs

3. Wikmapia Location of Courtallam Waterfalls: http://wikimapia.org/8234486/Kutralam-Main-Falls

Also read the related stories

குளிக்க தடை நீக்கம்: சூடு பிடிக்கும் வியாபாரம்: குற்றாலத்துக்கு அழைக்கும் படங்கள்

செய்தி: பரமசிவன் மற்றும்  படங்கள்: ராம்குமார்

வியாழக்கிழமை, 11, ஜூலை 2013 (22:59 IST)

கடந்த இரண்டு நாட்களாக குற்றால மலையில் தொடர் சாரல் மழை பெய்ததால், குற்றால அருவிகளில் தண்ணீர் சீறிப்பாய்ந்தது. இதனால், போலீசார் குளிப்பதற்காக இரண்டு நாட்கள் தொடர்ந்து தடை விதித்தனர். வியாழக்கிழமை அதிகாலை 5 மணி அளவில் தடை நீக்கப்பட்டவுடன், சுற்றுலாப் பயணிகள் குளித்தத் தொடங்கினர்.

அதே சமயம் மலையையொட்டி அடவிநயினார் அணை, துண்டாறு அணை, ராமநதி, கருப்பாநதி உள்ளிட்ட அணைகள் நிரம்பின. இதுஒருபுறம் இருக்க குற்றாலத்தில் சீசன் கடைகளின் வியாபாராம் சூடு பிடிக்க தொடங்கியுள்ளது. உடலுக்கு ஆரோக்கியம் தரும் அரிய வகை பழங்களான தூரியன், பன்னீர்கொய்யா, ரம்டம் போன்ற பழங்கள் வியாபாரம் அமர்க்களப்படுகிறது.

இந்த மலையில் கிடைக்கும் மூங்கில்களை கொண்டு தயார் செய்யப்படும் பிரம்பு நாற்காலி, சேர்கள், கட்டில்கள் போன்றவைகளை வாங்குவதில் சுற்றுலாப் பயணிகள் ஆர்வம் காட்டுகின்றனர்.


Tuesday, July 9, 2013

கல்வெட்டில் தகவல்: திண்டிவனம் வரை பாண்டியன் ஆட்சி!

கல்வெட்டில் தகவல்: திண்டிவனம் வரை பாண்டியன் ஆட்சி!

Temple images

விழுப்புரம், ஜூலை 09, 2013: எறையூரில், பழமை வாய்ந்த, சிதைந்த நிலையில் உள்ள சிவன் கோவில் கல்வெட்டில், திண்டிவனம் வரை, பாண்டியன் ஆட்சி நடந்துள்ளது என்பதற்கான ஆதாரம் உள்ளது என, கல்வெட்டு களப் பணியாளர், வீரராகவன் தெரிவித்துள்ளார். 

பழமையான கோவில் 

விழுப்புரம் மாவட்டம், வானூர் அருகே, எறையூர் கிராமத்தில், சிவன் கோவில் ஒன்று சிதைந்துள்ளது. 700 ஆண்டுகள் பழமை வாய்ந்த இக்கோவிலைப் பற்றி, பிச்சைப்பிள்ளை என்பவர் அளித்த தகவலையடுத்து, விழுப்புரம், கல்வெட்டு களப்பணியாளர்கள் வீரராகவன், மங்கையர்க்கரசி ஆகியோர், ஆய்வு செய்தனர்.

கோவிலின் நிலைப்பாடுகள் குறித்து, கல்வெட்டு களப்பணியாளர் வீரராகவன் கூறியதாவது:

பல ஆண்டுகளாக இக்கோவில், கவனிப்பாரின்றி கிடந்தது. சமீபத்தில், ஆன்மிகவாதிகள் ஒன்று கூடி, புதர் மற்றும் மண் மேட்டை அகற்றி, கோவிலை சீரமைத்தனர்.

இதைத் தொடர்ந்து, கோவிலில் பிரதோஷ வழிபாடு நடந்து வருகிறது. இந்த கோவிலுக்குள், கட்டட கற்கள் சரிந்து விழுந்து, ஆபத்தான நிலையில் உள்ளன.

ஆய்வின் போது, கல்வெட்டு ஒன்றை மைப்படிவம் எடுத்து படித்ததில், இது, பாண்டியர் காலத்து கல்வெட்டு என, தெரியவந்தது.

இக்கல்வெட்டு, மங்கல சொல்லுடன், ஸ்ரீஸ்வஸ்தி என, ஆரம்பமாகிறது. இது,மூன்று புவனத்துக்கும் சக்கரவர்த்தியான வீரபாண்டிய தேவரின், கி.பி., 1345 ஆட்சியாண்டு கல்வெட்டாகும்.


இந்த கோவிலில் உள்ள இறைவன், தவநெறி ஆளுடைய நாயனார் என்றும், இவ்வூர் இளநல்லூர் என்றும் கல்வெட்டு கூறுகிறது. அன்றைய இளநல்லூர், இன்றைய எறையூர் ஆக அழைக்கப்படுகிறது.

இந்தக் கோவிலுக்கு கிழக்கே உள்ள மதகு, "மதுராந்தகன் மதகு என்று அழைக்கப்பட்டு வந்தது. மேலும், மக்களிடம் இருந்து, வசூலிக்கும் வரிகள் மூலம், இந்த கோவிலில் வழிபாடுகள் செய்ததை, கல்வெட்டு கூறுகிறது. 

வீரபாண்டியன் கல்வெட்டுகள், தமிழகத்தில், விருத்தாசலம் அருகேவுள்ள, எறும்பூர், கடலூர் அருகே உள்ள திருவஹிந்திபுரம் வரை, கிடைத்து வந்ததை, வரலாற்று அறிஞர்கள் கூறியுள்ளனர். 

தற்போது, எறையூரில் புதிதாக கண்டுபிடிக்கப்பட்ட, இந்த கல்வெட்டு, வீரபாண்டியனின் ஆட்சி, திண்டிவனம் வரையிலும் இருந்ததற்கு சான்றாக உள்ளது.

வரலாற்று சிறப்பு மிக்க, சிதைந்துள்ள, இக்கோவிலை, இப்பகுதி பக்தர்கள் வழிபட, இந்து அறநிலைய துறையும், தொல்லியல் துறையும், அரசிடம் நிதிப்பெற்று திருப்பணி செய்து சீரமைக்க வேண்டும்.

இவ்வாறு, அவர் கூறினார்.


Tuesday, July 2, 2013

4-வது முறையாக அணைக்கரை பாலம் விரிசல்! சுதந்திர இந்தியாவின் அவலம்!

நான்காவது முறையாக அணைக்கரை பாலம் விரிசல்! சுதந்திர இந்தியாவின் அவலம்!


செவ்வாய்க்கிழமை, 2, ஜூலை 2013 (16:52 IST)

நான்காவது முறையாக அணைக்கரை பாலத்தில் (அணை) நெரிசல் ஏற்ப்பட்டு பொதுமக்களை அவதிப்பட வைத்திருக்கிறது. இதற்கு காரணம் பொதுப்பணித்துறை அதிகாரிகளா? காவல்துறையா? பொதுமக்களா? என ஆய்வு செய்வதற்கு முன்பு பாலத்தின் வரலாற்றை சற்று சுறுக்கமாக பார்ப்போம்.

இந்தியா ஆங்கிலேயர்களின் ஆட்சிக்கு உட்பட்டிருந்தபோது கொள்ளிடம் ஆற்றில் தண்ணீர் மழைக்காலங்களில் பெரும் வெள்ளமாகவும், கோடைக்காலங்களில் காலவாய்கள் வாயிலாகவும் வீணாக கடலில் கலப்பதைக்கண்டு வேதனை அடைந்தனர். கொள்ளிடத்திற்கு வடக்குப்புறமாக உள்ள கடலூர் மாவட்டமும், தெற்கேயுள்ள நாகை, தஞ்சை மாவட்டங்களும் வறட்சியால் பாதிக்கப்படுவதையும் காண்கின்றனர். இதனால் கொள்ளிடத்தில் வீணாக போகும் தண்ணீரை தேக்கி விவசாயத்திற்கு பயன்படுத்த வைக்கலாம் என தீர்மானித்து தஞ்சை மாவட்டம் அணைக்கரையில் கொள்ளிடம் ஆற்றின் குறுக்கே அணைகட்ட திட்டமிடுகின்றனர். 

அதன்படியே 1836ம் ஆண்டு இன்ஜினியர் சர். ஆர்தர் காட்டன் என்பவரால் அணைக்கட்டப்பட்டது. இந்த அணைக்கு கீழணை என பெயரும் வைத்தனர். தற்பொழுது இந்த அணை தஞ்சை மாவட்ட பொதுப்பணித்துறையின் கீழ் செயல்பட்டு வருகிறது. அணையின் மூலமாக கிட்டதட்ட 4.5 லட்சம் கனஅடி நீரை தேக்கி வடிகால் மூலம் பாசனத்திற்கு பயன்படுத்தப்படுகிறது. கீழணை மூலம் வடக்குராஜன் ஆறு, தெற்குராஜன் ஆறு, குமுக்கிமண்ணியாறு, மற்றும் குறுவாயக்கால்கள் என பிரித்து ஒரு லட்சத்தி 26 ஆயிரத்தி 836 ஏக்கர்களுக்கு பாசன வசதிக்கு கொடுக்கப்படுகிறது. 

அதோடு மட்டுமின்றி, கொள்ளிடம் கூட்டு குடிநீர் திட்டத்தின் கீழ் பல்வேறு பெரு நகரங்களுக்கு பைப் லைன் மூலம் எடுத்து செல்லப்படுகிறது. சென்னைக்கு குடிதண்ணீரை வழங்கும் வீராணம் ஏரிக்கு அணைக்கரையிலிருந்து தான் தண்ணீர் போகிறது. இப்படிப்பட்ட அணையை ஆங்கிலேயர்கள் இயற்கை சூழலுக்கு ஏற்ப வடக்கில் ஓர் அணையும், தெற்கில் ஒர் அணையுமாக பிரித்து வடக்கு அணையில் 20 கன்வாய்களும், தெற்கு அணையில் 40 கன்வாய்களுமாக பிரித்து கட்டியுள்ளனர். 

இரண்டுக்கும் நடுவில் அணைக்கரை என்கிற கிராமம் பல்வேறு வசதிகளோடு தீவாக காட்சியளிக்கிறது. அங்கேதான் பொதுப்பணித்துறை அலுவலகங்களும், கரிகாலச்சோழன் பெயரில் சுற்றுலா மாளிகையும், சுற்றுலா பயணிகளை கவரும் வண்ணம், இயற்கையோடு பூங்காவும் அமைத்திருக்கின்றனர். இப்படி அழகோடும், மக்களுக்கு பயன்படும் வண்ணம் எதிர்கால விவசாயிகளின் நிலையை மனதில் கொண்டு ஆங்கிலேயர்களால் கட்டப்பட்ட அணை பிற்காலத்தில் வந்த சுதந்திர அரசு அதனை போக்குவரத்து பாலமாக பயன்படுத்த துவங்கிவிட்டனர். 

"ஆங்கிலேயர்கள் ஆட்சி செய்வதற்கு ஏதுவாக வடமாவட்டங்களுக்கும், தென்மாவட்டங்களுக்கம், இடையே கட்டப்பட்ட இந்த அணையில் வடமாவட்டங்களில் உள்ள பெரும்பாலான வனத்துறைகளை பார்வையிடுவதற்கான போக்கவரத்து வசதிகளுக்கு அணையை இணைத்து ஜீப் போன்ற இலகுவான வாகனங்கள் போவதற்காகத்தான் பாலம் கட்டினார்கள். ஆனால், தற்போது போக்குவரத்து அதிகரித்ததோடு தஞ்சை, கும்பகோணம், மன்னார்குடி, பட்டுக்கோட்டை, என பெருநகரங்களிலிருந்து சென்னைக்கு செல்லும் கனரக வாகனங்களும் போக்குவரத்துகளும் இந்த பாலத்தின் வழியாக தான் செல்கின்றனர். இரவு நேரங்களில் செக் போஸ்டில் இருக்கும் காவல்துறையினர், கனரக வாகனங்களிடமிருந்து லஞ்சமாக பணம் வாங்கிக்கொண்டு பாலத்தின் நலனை கருத்தில் கொள்ளாமல் அனுமதித்தன் விளைவே பாலம் பழுதானத்திற்கு முதல் காரணம்" எனகின்றனர் அணைக்கரை சேர்ந்த பொதுமக்கள்.2010ம்ஆண்டு முதல்முறையாக அணைக்கரையில் லேசான விரிசல் ஏற்ப்பட்டது. 

அப்பொழுது இருந்த தஞ்சை மாவட்ட ஆட்சியர் சண்முகம் கெடுபிடியாக இருந்து பாலத்தை காக்க வேண்டும் என்கிற நல்லெண்ணத்தோடு ஒரு தொகையை ஒதுக்கி பழதை சீர் செய்யும் வரை போக்குவரத்தை அனுமதிக்காமல் இருந்தார். சென்னைக்கு போகும் வாகனங்கள் மயிலாடுதுறை, சிதம்பரம் வழியாக சென்றன. பிறகு பாலம் சரிசெய்யப்பட்டதாக சொல்லி போக்குவரத்தை அனுமதித்தனர். ஆனால், பாலத்தின் நலம் கருதி கனரக வாகனங்களை அனுமதிக்காமல் இருப்பதை விட்டுவிட்டு இரவு நேரங்களில் அனுமதித்தனர். அதன் விளைவு 2011ல் ஒரு விரிசலும், 2012ல் ஒரு விரிசலும் ஏற்ப்பட்டது. அதற்கு பொதுப்பணித்துறையின் மூலம் 6.5 கோடி நிதி ஒதுக்கப்பட்டு பழுது பார்த்தனர். அப்பாலத்தின் மேல் இருபுரங்களிலும் கனமான கட்டைகளை அமைத்து சுமைகளை ஏற்றினார்களே தவிர முழுமையாக பாலத்தை சரிசெய்யவில்லை. 

"பாலத்தின் மேல இரண்டு பக்கமும் கட்டை கட்டி சுமையை ஏத்திட்டாங்க. அந்த பாளத்தின் அழகையே கொலச்சுட்டாங்க. தண்ணீர் கனமாக வரும்போது குறிப்பிட்ட அளவை தொட்டுட்டாலே தானாகவே ஷட்டர்கள் தூக்கி கொள்ளும் அதிகபட்ச தண்ணி வடிந்தவுடன் தானாகவே மூடிக்கொள்ளும். இப்படிப்பட்ட அற்புதத்தை, பொக்கிஷத்தை பாழாக்கியதே பொதுப்பணித்துறை மற்றும்  காவல்துறையின் பொறுப்பில்லாத்தன்மை தான். இந்த அணை உடைஞ்சுட்டா நாகை தஞ்சை மாவட்ட விவசாயம் பாழாகறது மட்டுமில்லாம, சென்னை மாநகருக்கு குடிநீர் திண்ணாட்டம் வந்துடும். ஏன்னா, வீராணம் ஏரிக்கு அணைக்கரையிலிருந்து தான் தண்ணீர் போகுது. உடனடியாக அரசு இதில் கவனம் செலுத்தி அணையாக பாதுகாக்க வேண்டுமே தவிர மீண்டும் மீண்டும் பாலமாக பார்த்து அணையின் ஆயுளை குறைக்க கூடாது" என்கின்றனர் சமூக ஆர்வலர்கள்.

பொதுப்பணித்துறை அதிகாரி ஒருவரோ "இந்த பாலத்துக்கு இரண்டு பக்கத்துலயும் மணல் குவாரிகளை அமைத்து அளவுக்கதிகமான ஆழம் தோண்டி மணல் அள்ளியதும் ஒரு காரணம். அதோட பாலம் பழுதை ஒதுக்க நீக்கிய பணத்தில் பாதிக்கு மேல செலவு செய்யாம ஏப்பம் விட்டுட்டாங்க" என்கின்றார்.

ஆங்கிலேயர்கள் இந்தியாவை சுரண்டும் எண்ணத்தோடு வந்தாலும், பொதுமக்களுக்கு பயன்படும் வகையில் பெரும் அணைகள், கட்டிடங்கள் சாலைகள் என அற்புதங்களை அமைத்து கொடுத்து சென்றனர். சுதந்திர இந்தியாவில் உள்ள அரசியல்வாதிகளும், அதிகாரிகளும் அதைக் காப்பாற்றாமல் அதனை அழிவுக்கு கொண்டு செல்வது பெருத்த வேதனையளிக்கிறது.


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