Friday, February 29, 2008

How Union Budget prepared?

How Union Budget prepared?

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01. £möám u¯õ›UP¨£kÁx G¨£i?

¦xiÀ¼ ¦ Á¸® öÁÒÎUQÇø© ö£õx £möámøh, ©zv¯ Aµ_ £õº¼ö©ßmiÀ AÔÂUP EÒÍx. Akzu Bsk, ÷»õU\£õ ÷uº uÀ |hUP EÒÍuõ¾®, C¢u Bsk 10 ©õ{»[PÎÀ \mh\ø£ ÷uºuÀPÒ |hUP EÒÍuõ¾®, Cx, "÷uºuÀ £möám' BP÷Á C¸US®. JÆöÁõ¸ Bsk®, £möám u¯õ›US® £o, µP]¯©õP÷Á ÷©ØöPõÒͨ£k®. AuØPõP ›ÁõÚ HØ£õkPÒ ö\´¯¨£k®. C¢u BskUPõÚ £möám SÔzx, {v Aø©a\º ]u®£µ® EÒÎmh AÁµx SÊÂÚ¸®, ¤µu©º ©ß÷©õPß ][S®, ‰ßÖ •øÓ B÷»õ\øÚ |hzv²ÒÍÚº. Põ[Qµì uø»Áº ÷\õÛ¯õÄhÝ®, B÷»õ\øÚ |hzv •iUP¨£mk Âmhx. £õº¼ö©ßmiÀ, "|õºz ¤ÍõU' GÚ AøÇUP¨£k® £Sv°À uõß {v Aø©a\P® EÒÍx. C[S uõß, £möám u¯õ›¨¦ £o wµ©õP |h¢x Á¸QÓx.

Cøu •ßÛmk, C¢u¨ £Sv÷¯ J¸ ]Ö ÷Põmøh ÷£õ» Pk® £õxPõ¨¦US Em£kzu¨£mkÒÍx. ÷£õß ÷£aø\ £vÄ ö\´¯ Av |ÃÚ P¸ÂPÒ, G[S v¸®¤Úõ¾® £õxPõ¨¦ õºPÒ, £õxPõ¨¦ £oUPõP ö£õ¸zu¨ £mkÒÍ Av|ÃÚ P¸ÂPÒ GÚ, £»zu HØ£õkPÒ ö\´¯¨ £mkÒÍÚ. {v Aø©a\º ]u® £µ® Á¸® 29® ÷uv Põø» 11 ©oUS, ÷»õU\£õÂÀ, £möámøh £iUP xÁ[S® •ß, ]Ö uPÁÀ Th P]¢x ÂhU Thõx GߣvÀ ªS¢u PÁÚ® ö\¾z u¨£mkÒÍx. "|õºz ¤ÍõU' £Sv°À EÒÍ \õuõµn ÷£õßPøÍ Jmk ÷PmPÄ®, C[Q¸¢x uÛ¯õº ö©õø£À ÷£õßPÎÀ ÷£\¨£kÁøu, Cøh©Ôzx uPÁÀ AԯĮ, £õxPõ¨¦ Höáß]PÒ öh¼÷£õß Jmk ÷Pm¦ ¤›øÁ÷¯ HØ£kzv EÒÍÚº. £» AvPõ›PÒ £¯ß£kzx® 100 ÷£õßPÒ, C¢u ¤›Âß Pmk¨£õmkUSÒ öPõsk Áµ¨£mkÒÍx.

{v Aø©a\P A¾Á»PzvÀ EÒÍ P®¨³mhºPÎÀ C&ö©°À Á\v }UP¨£mkÒÍx. C¢u A¾Á»Pzvß Áõ°ÀPÎÀ, ¤µ©õsh©õÚ ìjÀ ¤÷µ® ö£õ¸zu¨£mkÒÍx. GUì÷µ ì÷PÚº Á\v öPõsh C¢u ¤÷µ® P®¨³mhºPÐhß CønUP¨£mkÒÍx. A¾Á»PzxUSÒ Á¸£Á÷µõ, öÁÎ÷¯ ö\À£Á÷µõ, ]Ö xqUøP Th, Gkzx ö\ßÖ Âh •i¯õx. £möám u¯õ›¨¦ £o°À •Ê Ãa]À Dk£mk C¸¨£Áº {vzxøÓ ö\¯»º _¨£õ µõÆ. CÁ¸hß, ¤µu©¸®, {v Aø©a\¸® AÆÁ¨ ÷£õx ÷£], ¦v¯ vmh[PÒ ©ØÖ® B÷»õ\øÚPøÍ TÔ²ÒÍÚº. AÁØøÓ £möámiÀ Ch® ö£Ó ö\´²® £o°À AÁº Dk£mkÒÍõº. £möám Eøµø¯ Aa\iUS® ö£õÖ¨¦, {v Aø©a\›ß ¦v¯ B÷»õ\Pº _£õæè PÚ÷Põ£õzv¯õÂh® J¨£øhUP¨£mkÒÍx. CuØPõÚ Põ» AmhÁøn E¸ÁõUQ, Auߣi AÁº ö\¯À£mk Á¸QÓõº. A¾Á»PzvÀ ©ØÓ FȯºPÒ Á¸ÁuØS •ß÷£, Põø» 8.30 ©oUöPÀ»õ®, CÁº Á¢x ÂkÁõº. AmhÁøn¨£i AøÚzx®, •øÓ¯õP ö\ÀQÓuõ Gߣøu PsPõozx Á¸QÓõº.

£möám u¯õ›¨¦ £o°À Cµsk SÊUPÒ Dk£mkÒÍÚ. JßÖ Aµ]¯À Ÿv¯õÚx; ©ØöÓõ¸ SÊ AvPõ›PÐøh¯x. Aµ]¯À SÊÂÀ, ¤µu©º, {v Aø©a\º, vmh Pªåß xønz uø»Áº ©õs÷hU ][ A¾Áõ¼¯õ, ö£õ¸Íõuõµ B÷»õ\øÚ PÄß]À uø»Áº ].µ[Pµõáß BQ÷¯õº Ch® ö£ØÖÒÍÚº. AvPõ›PÒ SÊÂÀ, ¤µu©›ß •ußø© ö\¯»º i.÷P.H.|õ¯º, {v Aø©a\›ß B÷»õ\Pº Á¸Áõ´ ö\¯»º, ö\»ÂÚ[PÒ ¤›Ä ö\¯»º, {vzxøÓ ö\¯»º BQ÷¯õº Ch® ö£ØÖÒÍÚº. £möám u¯õ›US® £o •i²® Áøµ, AvÀ Ch® ö£ØÖÒÍÁºPÒ, u[PÒ ©øÚ ©ØÖ® SÇ¢øuPÐhß Th ÷£_Áøu ©zv¯ EÍÄzxøÓ AvPõ›PÒ PsPõozx Á¸QßÓÚº. £möám Eøµ ©ØÖ® Á› |øh•øÓø¯ Aa\iUS® £o, ÷|ØÖ (25® ÷uv |ÒεÄ) AÀ»x 26® ÷uv(CßÖ) Põø»÷¯õ xÁ[S®. Cøu Aa\iUS® |ÃÚ C¯¢vµ®, {v Aø©a\P A¾Á»Pzvß RÌ £Sv°À EÒÍx. C¨£o°À Dk£k£ÁºPÒ |Ò뵀 EÒ÷Í Aݨ£¨£mk öÁÎ÷¯ PuÄ ‰h¨£k®. £möám Eøµ Aa\izx •izx, £õº¼ö©ßmiÀ Aøu uõUPÀ ö\´²® Áøµ, CÁºPÒ öÁÎ÷¯ Áµ •i¯õx. Cx P®¨³mhº ²P® GߣuõÀ, £möám Eøµ •ÊÁx®, {v Aø©a\›ß P®¨³mh›À C¸US®. Aøu ¯õ¸®, £¯ß£kzu •i¯õx. Aa\iUS® £o xÁ[SÁuØS ]» ©o ÷|µ[PÐUS •ß, Aøu "]i'UPÎÀ Põ¨¤ ö\´Áº. A¨÷£õx ©zv¯ EÍÄz xøÓ, ©zv¯ ÷|µi Á› Áõ›¯®, P»õÀ ©ØÖ® _[P Á›zxøÓ AvPõ›PÒ BQ÷¯õº A[S C¸¨£º. AÁºPÒ øPö¯Êzvmh ¤ßÚ÷µ, "]i'°À Põ¨¤ ö\´²® £o |hUS®. £möám u¯õ›¨¦ £o •iUS® Áøµ, {v ö\¯»¸US, iÀ¼ ÷£õ½\õ›ß £õxPõ¨¦ AÎUP¨£k®. EÍÄz xøÓ°ß uø»Áº vÚ•®, AÁ¸hß ÷£_Áõº. i.Gì.¤., A¢uìvÀ C¸US® 24 AvPõ›PÒ "|õºz ¤ÍõU' £Sv°À £o¯©ºzu¨£kÁº. CÁºPÒ |õßS SÊUPÍõP ¤›zx, u»õ 40 AÀ»x 50 FȯºPøÍ PsPõo¨£º.

02. µP]¯®, £µ© µP]¯®

A.£möám u¯õ›¨¦ £oø¯, {v Aø©a\Pzvß £möám ¤›Ä AvPõ›PÒ, Ph¢u Bsk ö\¨., AuõÁx BÖ ©õu® •ß£õP÷Á xÁUQ ÂmhÚº. ©zv¯ Aµ]ß 48 xøÓPÒ, 24 ©õ{»[PÒ, HÊ ³Û¯ß ¤µ÷u\[PÒ, HµõÍ©õÚ Aµ_ xøÓPÒ, ußÚõm] Aø©¨¦PÒ, •¨£øhPÒ BQ¯ÁØÔß P¸zxUPøÍ ö£ØÓÚº. AvÀ C¸¢x 109 £UP £möám \ºUS»øµ E¸ÁõUQ²ÒÍÚº. £À÷ÁÖ Aø©a\P[PÒ, Ph¢u Bsk ö\´u ö\»Ä, Á¸® BskUS ÷uøÁ¨£k® ©õÛ¯zvß AÍÄ BQ¯ÁØÔß uPÁÀPЮ AvÀ Ch® ö£ØÖÒÍx.

B.¯õº, ¯õ¸US »US AΨ£x, GÆÁÍÄ Á› SøÓ¨£x Gߣøu •iÄ ö\´²® £o°À {v Aø©a\P® Dk£mhx. öuõÈÀ Aø©¨ ¦PÒ, ©õ{» Aµ_PÒ ©ØÖ® ö\õ¢u Pm]°ß B÷»õ\øÚPÒ ÷PmP¨ £mhx. áÚÁ› •uÀ |õßS B÷»õ\øÚU Tmh[PÒ |hzu¨£mhÚ.

C.£möám G¨£i Aø©¯ ÷Ásk® Gߣøu, |õßS ©õu[PÐUS •ß÷£, {v Aø©a\º •iÄ ö\´x Âmhõº. ©õ{» ©ØÖ® ©zv¯ {v Aø©a\ºPÒ JÆöÁõ¸ •øÓ £möám Eøµ Áõ]US® ÷£õx, u[PÎß P¸zøu, öuÎÁõP öÁΨ£kzxÁº. C¢u Âå¯zvÀ, {v Aø©a\º ]u®£µ® G¨÷£õ÷uõ u¯õµõQ Âmhõº. Á¸® 29® ÷uv GßÚ ÷£\ ÷Ásk® Gߣøu²® •iÄ ö\´x Âmhõº.

D.£möám Eøµ, £õº¼ö©ßmiÀ Áõ]UP¨£kÁuØS Cµsk |õmPÐUS •ß uõß, Aµ]ß ö\´vz xøÓ AvPõ›PÒ C¢u ÁmhzxUSÒ AÝ©vUP¨£kÁº. CÁºPÎÀ 20 ÷£º öPõsh SÊÂÚº £möám SÔzu, £zv›øP ö\´vø¯, B[Q»®, E¸x ©ØÖ® C¢v BQ¯ ‰ßÖ ö©õÈPÎÀ u¯õ›¨£º. CÁºPЮ, £möám Eøµ Áõ]UP¨£k® Áøµ, "]øÓ' øÁUP¨£kÁº. £möámiß •UQ¯ A®\[PÒ, ¤Ó ©zv¯ Aø©a\ºPÐUS, Eøµ Áõ]UP¨£kÁuØS 10 {ªh[PÒ •ß uõß uµ¨£k®.

E. HÊ |õmPÐUS {v Aø©a\P AvPõ›PÒ ©ØÖ® FȯºPÐUS öÁÎ E»P öuõhº÷£ C¸UPõx. £möám u¯õ›¨¤À Dk£mh AvPõ›PÒ, {v Aø©a\º BQ÷¯õº AÆÁ¨÷£õx Á¢x Aa]k® £oø¯ £õºøÁ°kÁº. CÁºPÒ ©mk÷© öÁÎ÷¯ ö\À» AÝ©vUP¨£kÁº. £möám Eøµ Aa\iUS® £o |õøÍ(27® ÷uv) •iÁøh¢x Âk®.

F. £möám Eøµø¯ Aa]k® £o, "|õºz ¤ÍõU' £Sv°À, {v Aø©a\P A¾Á»Pzvß R÷Ç EÒÍ ChzvÀ, |h¢xÒÍx. Aa]k® £o°À Dk£k® FȯºPÒ, Aø©a\P AvPõ›PÒ, EÍÄzxøÓ AvPõ›PÒ GÚ £»¸® A[S C¸¨£º.Aa]k® £o xÁ[Q¯vÀ C¸¢x, £möám Eøµ, £õº¼ö©ßmiÀ, Áõ]UP¨£k® Áøµ, CÁºPÒ A[÷P÷¯ "]øÓ' øÁUP¨£kÁº.

3. CxÁøµ uõUP»õÚ •UQ¯ £möámPÒ

A. 1947 : C¢v¯õÂß •uÀ ©zv¯ £möámøh, 1947® Bsk |Á., 26® ÷uv uõUPÀ ö\´uÁº Bº.÷P.\s•P® ö\mi. ¹. 197.39 ÷Põi ö\»Ä ©ØÖ® ¹.24.59 ÷Põi £ØÓõUSøÓ²hß, £möám uõUPÀ ö\´¯¨ £mhx.

B. 1951 : •uÀ I¢uõsk vmh Põ»® •i¢u ¤ÓS, •uÀ £möámøh, 1951® Bsk i\., 8® ÷uv, ¤µu©º áÁPº»õÀ ÷|¸ uõUPÀ ö\´uõº.

C. 1958 : £õº¼ö©ßm J¨¦uÀ ö£Óõ©À, uÛ¯õº {ÖÁÚ[PÎÀ •u½k ö\´¯ GÀ.I.]., {ºÁõP® •iÄ Gkz ux. Cuß Põµn©õP, {v Aø©a\µõP C¸¢u i.i.Q¸èn©õa\õ›, µõâÚõ©õ ö\´¯ ÷|›mhx. ¤µu©º ÷|¸, £õº¼ö©ßmiÀ £möámøh, uõUPÀ ö\´uõº.

D. 1963 : ^ÚõÄhß |h¢u ÷£õµõÀ, Pk® ö|¸UPi C¸¢u Põ»®. {v Aø©a\º ö©õµõºâ ÷u\õ´, µõqÁzxUPõÚ {v JxURmøh AvP›zx, £möámøh uõUPÀ ö\´uõº. ö©õzu Á¸Áõ´ ö\»ÂÚ©õÚ ¹.1,852 ÷Põi°À, µõqÁzvß £[S ¹.708 ÷Põi.

E. 1977 : C¢vµõ Põ¢v uø»ø©°»õÚ Põ[Qµì ÷uõÀÂø¯ \¢vzu Põ»®. Põ[Qµì Pm]ø¯ \õµõu •uÀ {v Aø©a\º GßÓ ö£¸ø©²hß, Ga.G®.£õmjÀ, £möám uõUPÀ ö\´uõº.

F. 1980 : {v Aø©a\º Bº.öÁ[Pm µõ©ß, áüß 18® ÷uv, £möámøh uõUPÀ ö\´uõº. \ºÁ÷u\ {v¯PzvÀ C¸¢x ¹.540 ÷Põi Phß ö£Ó¨ £k®, GÚ, AÔÂzuõº.

G. 1985 : ¤µu©º µõâÆ Põ¢v uø»ø©°»õÚ Aµ]À, {v Aø©a\µõP C¸¢u, Â.¤.][, ©õºa 16® ÷uv £möám uõUPÀ ö\´uõº. P»õÀ Á›°À C¸¢x P®¨³mhºPÐUS •Ê » US AÎUP¨ £mhx.

H. 1991 : Ph¢u 1990® Bsk |Á® £›À, AßÛ¯ ö\»õÁo øP°¸¨¦ öÁSÁõP SøÓ¢ ux. ©õºa 4® ÷uv, {v Aø©a \º ¯èÁ¢z ]ßPõ, CøhU Põ» £möámøh uõUPÀ ö\´ uõº. ö©ßø©¯õÚ ÷£õUS C¸UPõx GÚ Ga\›zuõº. ö£õ¸Íõuõµ uõµõÍ©¯©õUSuÀ vmhzøu AÔ•P¨£kzv, áüø» 24® ÷uv, {v Aø©a\º ©ß÷©õPß ][, £m öám uõUPÀ ö\´uõº. ÷uºÄ ö\´¯¨ £mh xøÓPÎÀ, 51 \uÃu® AÍÄUS öÁÎ|õmk •u½k AÝ©vUP¨ £mhx. \õ¨m÷Áº HØÖ©vUS \¾øPPÒ AÔÂUP¨£m hx.

I. 1997 : {v Aø©a\º £.]u®£µ®, "PÚÄ £möám' uõUPÀ ö\´uõº. PÖ¨¦ £n® øÁzx C¸¨£ÁºPÒ, uõ©õP •ß Á¢x öu›ÂUS® vmh® AÔ•P¨£kz u¨£mhx. £[Sa \¢øu°À, £[SuõµºPÐUS AÎUP¨£k® iÂöhsm «uõÚ Á› µzx ö\´¯¨£m hx.


Courtesy_
Dinamalar

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Monday, February 25, 2008

Jayalalithaa turns 60 quietly

Tamil Queen Bee turns 60 in style
Arun Ram
Sunday, February 24, 2008 16:18 IST



CHENNAI: AIADMK general secretary J Jayalalithaa celebrated her 60th birthday in Chennai on Sunday, solemnising 60 weddings and further estranging Karunanidhi-Maran family ties.

Even as Jayalalithaa went about her birthday chores, offering pujas, garlanding MGR statues and solemnising weddings, what raised eyebrows was the Sunday edition of Dinakaran, owned by the Kalanidhi-Dayanaidhi Marans.

The paper carried advertisements hailing Amma. Rumour mills churned out stories of an “imminent meeting between Dayanidhi Maran and Jayalalithaa”. But that was not to be.

Dinakaran, which had been a pro-DMK broadsheet, remained so after the Marans acquired and relaunched it three years ago to make it the largest-selling daily in Tamil Nadu. Though Jayalalithaa’s statements and photographs found a prominent column space in Dinakaran after Dayanidhi Maran was ousted from the union cabinet in May 2007 following a family feud, this is the first time the paper has carried advertisements released by Jayalalithaa’s followers.

The front page of Dinakaran carried a quarter-page advertisement released by AIADMK legislature party leader O Paneerselvam, hailing Jayalalithaa as “tomorrow’s history”. There were 21 more such advertisemets occupying most of the 14 pages of the paper’s main issue. As Dinakaran readers, once used to similar superlatives in praise of Karunanidhi, tried to read between the lines. The grapevine had it that the younger Maran would call on the birthday lady.

Courtesy_
http://www.dnaindia.com

Also read the related stories

Maran dismisses reports about possible meeting with Jayalalithaa

Chennai (PTI): Dayanidhi Maran, former Union Minister and estranged grand nephew of DMK patriarch M Karunandihi, on Sunday dismissed as "rumours" the reports about his possible meeting with AIADMK supremo Jayalalithaa.

Rumours were doing rounds since Saturday night that Maran would call on the AIADMK leader to greet her on her 60th birthday on Sunday. These were triggered by the publication of a plethora of advertisements, given by AIADMK men on the eve of Jayalalithaa's birthday, in Maran brothers-owned Tamil eveninger 'Tamil Murasu'.

The advertisements, given by senior AIADMK leaders like O Panneerselvam, were also prominently displayed in the Maran-owned daily 'Dinakaran' on Sunday.

"It's pure business," Maran told reporters here when asked about the publication of AIADMK adverstisements in his dailies.

Maran, who had been sidelined by the DMK leadership, after the publication of a survey in 'Dinakaran' last year, dismissed the rumours that he was planning to call on Jayalalithaa.

The AIADMK, which had traditionally been patronising another leading Tamil daily, had chosen not to give even a single adverstisement to it this time.

Asked about this, Maran retorted, "If they have shifted allegiance from that daily, what can we do?"

Maran, who was stripped of the high-profile Communication and IT portfolio after he fell out of favour with the DMK leadership following the publication of the survey, was however, still holding the MP seat won on the DMK ticket.

He had also recently lodged a complaint with city police commissioner that cable operators owing allegiance to his Sumangali Cable Vision, a multi-system operator, were being arrested and intimidated by the police.

Courtesy_
THE HINDU

Amma turns 60, quietly

AIADMK chief refrains from extravagance

PTI

Chennai: AIADMK chief Jayalalithaa on Sunday turned 60 and refrained from any cake-cutting ceremony or distribution of sweets even as mass weddings, blood donations, free food and aid for the poor marked the occasion.

Senior BJP leader L K Advani, Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi and BJP spokesman Ravishankar Prasad greeted Jayalalithaa over phone, a party release said.

The AIADMK chief, who had quiet birthdays in the past few years solemnised the wedding of 60 poor couples and the wards of five party functionaries on the occasion.

Jayalalithaa attends a mass wedding ceremony on Sunday

As Jayalalithaa arrived at the venue in a bright brown saree, there were loud cheers from the cadres but there was no cake-cutting ceremony or distribution of sweets as per her “instructions”.

“Amma has issued a strict order that the focus should be on the mass wedding and not on her birthday. But, how can we refrain from wishing her on her birthday,” a senior party functionary said.

Jayalalithaa blessed the ‘mangalsutra’ and presented them to bridegrooms. As they tied the knot, she showered ‘atchathai’ (holy grains) on the couples and posed for photographs with them.

They were also given wedding gifts of 60 household articles each, including silver lamps, watches, LPG stoves and utensils.

Speaking on the occasion, she turned nostalgic and said:

“My father passed away at the age of 42, my mother at 47 and my brother at 49.”

“If I’ve completed 60 years and entered 61st year today, it is all due to the blessings of my mother and my political mentor MGR (M G Ramachandran) and the love you all have bestowed on me,” she said.

Courtesy_
http://www.mumbaimirror.com

“AIADMK is like an affectionate family”

Special Correspondent

Jayalalithaa explains the rationale behind forming youth camps in every ward

— Photo:S. R. Raghunathan

WITH BLESSINGS: AIADMK general secretary Jayalalithaa conducts the marriage of former AIADMK Minister S.Muthusamy’s son at her 60th birthday celebrations held on Sunday. Sixty five couples got married on the occasion

CHENNAI: All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam general secretary Jayalalithaa, who turned 60 on Sunday according to the English calendar, chose the function organised on her birthday to explain the rationale behind her party’s latest initiative of setting up ‘Ilaignar Pasarai’ and ‘Ilam Pengal Pasarai’ (camps for young men and women) in every ward of rural and urban local bodies.

Noting that the party required rejuvenation and new blood, Ms Jayalalithaa said members of the proposed camps would “spearhead the army for our rights.” The camps would groom the youth for the future and would be a training ground that focussed on the greatness of the nation, language and the race. Senior members of the party would guide the young members.

[On Thursday last at Thirukadaiyur in Nagapattinam district, Ms Jayalalithaa participated in religious events conducted to mark her birthday as per the Tamil calendar].

The AIADMK leader was speaking after solemnising the wedding of 65 couples held on the premises of a school in Kilpauk. She presented 60 varieties of household articles to 60 couples, whose wedding was organised by the J.Jayalalithaa Peravai [forum named after the AIADMK general secretary]. She gave away gifts to the other five couples. As her personal donation, she presented a cheque for Rs. 10 lakh to Latha Rajendran, principal, Dr. MGR School for the Speech and Hearing Impaired, towards the education of school students.

Likening the party to “Karpaga Vritcham” [a tree in heaven that is said to yield whatever one desires, according to the legend], she said the AIADMK was not an organisation that thrived in one period and declined in the other. It was not merely a political party but an “affectionate family.” It was a tree that would not wilt. “It was raised by a ‘moon’ [Chandran] that will not diminish in size,” she said, referring to AIADMK founder M.G. Ramachandran and drawing applause from the gathering.

S. Muthusamy, the party organising secretary and whose son, M. Raja, got married on the occasion, said Ms Jayalalithaa was the “only and direct” heir of the AIADMK founder.

BJP, SP greet

According to a release issued by the AIADMK, L.K.Advani, Bharatiya Janata Party’s prime ministerial candidate, Amar Singh, Samajwadi Party general secretary, Narendra Modi, Gujarat Chief Minister, and Ravi Shankar Prasad, BJP’s ‘prabhari’ (in-charge) for Tamil Nadu, spoke to Ms Jayalalithaa over phone and greeted her on the occasion of her birthday. Another release stated that at the party head office in Royapettah, E. Madhusudanan, chairman of the party presidium, released a souvenir. A 60-kg cake was cut. Poor feeding and special prayers were conducted in places of worship in different States including Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh.

© Copyright 2000 - 2008 The Hindu

Courtesy_
THE HINDU

Age Sixty Strongly significant for Jaya

AGE SIXTY STRONGLY SIGNIFICANT FOR JAYA

The AIADMK Supremo J.Jayalalithaa has turned sixty on February 24.This age is strongly significant for her.Because,it represents number 6,which is her birth number.

Formerly she was known as J.Jayalalitha,which holds the occult number 23.In order to get an occult number equal to her birth date,she effected a change in her name by adding one more “a” to her name.Thus her occult number is 24 which adds up to 6.

Numerological analysis of Jaya indicates that she will have ample opportunities to play major role at the centre after the 15th Lok Sabha election.This finding is based on the influence of numbers 3,6 and 9 in her life.Out of these numbers,number 9 is very fine for her.In fact,her penchant for number 9 is quite well-known!

Jayalalithaa was born on February 24,1948.Those born on 6,15 or 24 of any month have birth number 6(number 15 adds up to 6.Similarly 24 also adds up to 6). numbers 3,6 and 9 are generally lucky for such people.

15th loksabha election will be lucky for her since the number adds up to 6(1+5=6).

Detailed discussion:-

Jayalalithaa was born on February 24,1948.Her birth number is 6(2+4=6)Numbers 3,6 and 9 are generally lucky for her.

Besides,Jaya’s fate number is 30 which adds up to 3(3+0=3)Fate number is arrived at by adding together the numbers in the date,month and year of birth.That is,24+2+1948=1974.Further adding,1+9+7+4=21.Further adding,2+1=3.

Though numbers 3,6 and 9 are lucky for her ,Jaya has a much stronger preference for number 9.Please see the following details:-

1) At her foster son Sudhakaran’s marriage,the party was led by led by 27 mounted policemen.(2+7=9).The cultural troupe consisted of 27 members.

2) At a mass wedding for 1008brides Jaya presided over,the menu had 18 items(1+8=9).

3) In 1998(the year adds up to 9)her party had 18 members in the Lok Sabha.

4) In 1999,the AIADMK withdrew from the co-ordination panel of the ruling parties at the centre on April 9,1999 .Then Jaya left for New Delhi with a 9-day mission to topple the Vajpayee government at the centre.Actually,the votes polled against Vajpayee government in the Lok Sabha -in the confidence motion-was 270(2+7+0=9).

Now,read the actions taken by Jaya as the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu from 2001:-

In the year 2002,the Tamil Nadu government headed by Jaya launched an ambitious 1800(1+8+0+0=9)crore ‘Education for all’ movement.At the function Jaya unveiled plaqueto mark the starting of 1008 new schoolsand she gave away appointment to 3060 (3+0+6+0=9)Block Resource Teachers.

General strike on October 9,2002 was declared by the AIADMK in protest against Karnataka government’s reluctance to supply Kaveri water to Tamil Nadu.

999 government servants,who stood dimissed for taking part in the strike were reinstated.see,999 adds up to 9(earlier,all suspended emplpyees except 999 were taken back).

Dropped two ministers from her government on June 9,2003.

M.K.Stalin and 8 others(total 9!) were arrested for extending support to to the striking students.

9 persons including Vaiko were arrested under POTA.

Launched Tsunami reconstruction programme on May 18(1+8=9),2005

Kanchi seer grilled in land deal case on June 9,2005

There are many other examples.

Courtesy_
http://damodaran17numerology.wordpress.com

Saturday, February 23, 2008

Who exceeds their jurisdiction: Dinamani

Who exceeds their jurisdiction: Dinamani

Saturday February 23 2008 00:00 IST

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Courtesy_
Dinamani

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Friday, February 22, 2008

Sonia grows, party shrinks

Sonia grows, party shrinks

The paradox in Sonia Gandhi's leadership is that while she has been growing stronger by the day, the party is getting weaker. The Congress, which was in power in 14 States when she took over, now rules only four States

Congress president Sonia Gandhi was named the third most powerful woman in the world by Forbes magazine in 2004; she currently ranks sixth on the list. She was also among Time magazine's 100 most influential people in the world last year. All this she has achieved within a decade. She joined politics to rescue the Congress when the party was disintegrating under Sitaram Kesri's leadership in 1998.

How has the Sonia Gandhi factor worked this past decade? It hasn't been a cakewalk for the Congress president. She has had her ups and downs like any other political leader. After she took over the party on March 14, 1998, Ms Gandhi was elected to the Lok Sabha the next year and became the first woman Leader of Opposition. Before the surprise 2004 general election win, Ms Gandhi's future in Indian politics had looked somewhat uncertain, thanks to the party's pathetic performance in the 1999 Lok Sabha election, coupled with State Assembly elections in 2003.

When the tables turned in 2004, many senior political leaders from other parties, including Mr Jyoti Basu, Mr M Karunanidhi and Mr Lalu Prasad Yadav, endorsed Ms Gandhi's leadership. Beating the NDA at its own game, she cobbled formidable alliances in States that worked magic for the Congress in the 2004 general election to bag 145 seats. On May 16, 2004, she became the leader a 15-party UPA coalition.

Ms Gandhi came close to becoming the Prime Minister not once but twice -- first in 1999 and again in 2004. She made a bid in 1999 after the 13-month-old Vajpayee Government was defeated by a single vote. The second time was in 2004 when the UPA Government was formed. However, both times she failed to become Prime Minister. However, her decision to install Mr Manmohan Singh as Prime Minister has worked well so far, but the party as well as the UPA allies know that the real power flows from 10, Janpath.

What has made Ms Gandhi successfully transform from a mere housewife to a national leader? She has several factors going in her favour. First, bogged by factionalism, she is the only unifying force in the party, thanks to the 'charisma' of the Nehru-Gandhi family. Second, she was lucky to inherit the Congress, which was involved in the freedom movement and had a presence in many parts of the country. Third, she did not face the kind of revolt that Mrs Indira Gandhi had to confront from the 'Syndicate' of Congress veterans, or what Rajiv Gandhi faced when Mr VP Singh challenged his authority.

Except for the rebellion by Mr Sharad Pawar and Mr PA Sangma in 1998 on the foreign origin issue, there has been no challenge to Ms Gandhi's leadership so far. When Jitendra Prasada contested against her for the Congress presidency, he lost miserably. Even the efforts to embarrass her failed many times -- be it her foreign origin or office of profit. She played her masterstroke when she resigned from the Lok Sabha in March 2006 to win for a second time on the office of profit controversy.

But the paradox in Ms Gandhi's leadership is that while she has been growing stronger, the party is getting weaker. The Congress, which was ruling in 14 States when she took over the party, is now in power in just four States. The overall confusion is telling on the organisation. After the recent debacle in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh Assembly elections, the murmurs from Congressmen have become louder. The charges of favouritism where some people hold more than one position while others are ignored, and the lack of nurturing of grassroots leaders by the leadership, are among the most common complaints.

With the onset of coalition era at the Centre as well as in States, the share of the pie for one party has shrunk. The Congress faces an additional problem - Ms Gandhi has been grooming her son, Mr Rahul Gandhi, to takeover the party. The result is that the second and third-level Congressmen don't see future for themselves in the party.

There are three main challenges for the Congress president. The first is to keep the coalition intact and remain in power. The future of the UPA remains uncertain. The Left parties have started talking about a 'Third Front', while the DMK is upset over the issue of Ram Setu. The RJD and the NCP, too, are keeping their option open.

The second challenge for Ms Gandhi is to rejuvenate the Congress. This is imperative for without a strong party there is no power. With the growth of regional parties, this will require a lot of hard work. The party has lost the northern belt, while regional parties have taken firm roots in the south.

The third challenge is to keep power within the Nehru-Gandhi family. This will be possible only if she focuses on the first two. Moreover, Mr Rahul Gandhi should be seen to be regenerating the Congress. However, things don't look too bright at the moment.

The problem with the Congress is that the link between the top level and the grassroots has withered away. Ms Gandhi, too, needs to take a few tough decisions -- showing doors to some of the coterie members and encouraging mass leaders.

Courtesy_

http://www.dailypioneer.com


Wednesday, February 20, 2008

CBI trapping T.R.Balu

Courtesy_
Dinamalar ePaper

http://janamejayan.wordpress.com

Why Sonia Gandhi should be disqualified as MP?

Why Ms.Sonia Gandhi should be disqualified as MP?

Dr.Subramanian Swamy gives out reasons

The Election Commission, by a majority of 2:1, has decided to issue notice to the Congress President, Sonia Gandhi, seeking her response to an allegation that she had incurred disqualification as a Member of Parliament, under Article 102(1)(d) of the Constitution, for accepting the ‘Order of Leopold’ from the King of Belgium in November 2006. Article 102 (e) of the Constitution says that a person shall be disqualified for being chosen as, and for being, (a line missing – see encl) a member…. India, or has voluntarily acquired the citizenship of a foreign state, or is under any acknowledgement of allegiance or adherence to a foreign state.”

Disqualification of Ms.Gandhi is thus attracted under Article 102 (1) (d) of the Constitution for being “under any acknowledgment of allegiance or adherence to a foreign state.”

On being granted the ‘title’ Ms.Gandhi had signed the Register as Member of the ‘Association of the Order of Leopold’ Article 1 of the Association has the provision that the Association members will ‘display an eternal devotion to Belgium and the monarchy,’ Ms.Gandhi had thus attracted disqualification.”

A.P.J.Abdul Kalam, as President had referred to the Commission a petition on this matter received from P.Rajan an advocate of Kochi. It is significant that Election Commission’s Legal Department had recommended ‘Issue of Notice’ to Ms.Gandhi in September 2007 but it was only on February 14, 2008 that the EC found a prima facie case had been made out by the petitioner for issuing notice.

When Sonia Gandhi, President of the Indian National Congress and chairperson of the ruling United Progressive Alliance, accepted in person the highest honour given by the King of Belgium, the Order of Leopold, on 15 November, 2006, she should have realised the legal and constitutional implications of a sitting member of the Lok Sabha accepting such foreign titles having learnt the hard way the significance of Article 102 in the office of profit matter earlier.

Section (2) of Article 18 of the Indian Constitution says: “No citizen of India shall accept any title from any foreign state;”, and Section (4) says: “No person holding any office of profit or trust under the state shall, without the consent of the President, accept any present, emolument, or office of any kind from or under any foreign state.

That Sonia Gandhi had not taken any permission from the President is evident from the fact that Dr.Abdul Kalam, who was then the President, had forwarded the representation from Advocate Rajan, seeking her disqualification as member of the Lok Sabha for accepting the award from the King of Belgium.

The Order of Leopold is not an ordinary title given by a foreign power. It demands the devotion and loyalty of the recipient to the King of Belgium. Sonia Gandhi attended in person the investiture ceremony in Belgium and signed the register of the Association of the Order of Leopold, signifying her voluntary declaration of allegiance to the King of Belgium, a foreign monarch of a dubious reputation.

The Association of the Order of Leopold was established in 1944 with a view to displaying “eternal devotion to Belgium and to the monarchy.” Every member of the Association must, under law, take an oath which says: “I swear not to undertake anything that could damage the respectability of the Order of Leopold and to fully observe the regulations and act as a loyal and faithful member.

Attempt by the Congress to compare Sonia Gandhi accepting the Belgium award to Morarji Desai accepting Nishan-e-Pakistan award or India conferring Bharat Ratna on Nelson Mandela, is stupid. The recipients in these cases were under no obligation to the country that offered the awards. That a member of Indian Parliament should express devotion and loyalty to King Leopold who plundered and massacred, the people of Belgium Congo, now called Zaire, is nationally demeaning and disgraceful.

The legality of such split loyalty was settled in 1985 when a Full Bench of the Madras High Court [AIR 1985 Mad.855] disqualified K.S.Haja Sharief, an Indian citizen, from membership of the Tamil Nadu Legislative Council for accepting the title of Honorary Consul of Monaco, a tiny European country.

The Election Commission should therefore let law take its course, and disqualify Ms.Gandhi. She should also publicly apologize to the people of all Third World countries for declaring allegiance to a brutal, feudal oppresser of the Zaire people. [For details of his murderous activities, read Hochschild, Adam: King Leopold’s Ghost-A Story of Greed, Terror, and Murder in Colonial Africa, Macmillan (1998) (ISBN:0333661265)].

In a recent broadcast, the BBC [www.news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-hi/africa/3516965.stm] held King Leopold responsible for 10 million deaths in Zaire, more than Hitler, who is had got killed 6 million Jews.

Courtesy_
http://janamejayan.wordpress.com

Flght safely landed: Jayalalithaa secured

Courtesy_
Malaimalar dated 20-02-2008

Reforming the legal profession: some ideas

Reforming the legal profession: some ideas

N.R.Madhava Menon


There cannot be meaningful reform of the judiciary without appropriate reform of the legal profession.


The Bar and the Bench are said to be the two wheels of the chariot of justice. They take the credit for achievements in the administration of justice. They should also share the blame equally for the ills. Yet in public discourses on judicial reforms, the changes needed in the legal profession are seldom discussed with the urgency they deserve, apparently under the impression that nothing can be done unless the profession itself wants to change. There seems to be a fear psychosis in the judiciary and the political class when it comes to confronting the Bar which is largely responsible for the major ills of the system, namely delay, cost and corruption. The Transparency International Report of 2007, while projecting the judiciary as the third most corrupt institution in the country, concluded that 77 per cent of corruption in the judicial system has been lawyer-driven.

Several expert committee reports have argued that lawyers contribute significantly to the increase in litigation cost and delay. The government should immediately set up a high power committee to review the Advocates Act and re-write it in the context of the changes needed (some of which were proposed long ago by the Bar Council itself) for better and timely delivery of justice at affordable costs. There cannot be meaningful reform of the judiciary without appropriate reform of the legal profession. And it is too much to expect the profession to reform itself although it has the power and authority to do so.

With unprecedented changes induced by technology and globalisation, all professions are forced to re-think their methods of management and delivery of services. Accountability systems are being made more transparent and participatory with the object of controlling commercialisation and improving the quality of services. Even the code of ethics and methods of disciplining erring members are being reworked across professions.

It is in this context that the Indian legal profession is to be looked at for seeking reforms. There is no clear understanding of the working of the profession because very little data are available on several aspects of the profession and its functioning. The legal profession is said to be a million-strong, which includes approximately 6 lakh to 7 lakh practising in the private sector as litigating lawyers, about a lakh or more working as in-house counsel in the corporate sector, and an equal number involved in the public sector. While the organised profession (Bar Councils and Bar Associations) has little to do with the latter two categories, it is effectively in control of the vast body of practising advocates who operate in the trial and appellate courts as well as in tribunals and regulatory bodies. It is they who strike work, boycott courts, dabble in politics and corrupt the course of administration of justice.

The problem with them are many, not all of their own making. The 80:20 phenomenon operates in the profession, whereby 20 per cent of the lawyers command 80 per cent of paying legal work. The system is like a pyramid where the bottom 40 per cent really has to struggle to make a living with no help from the seniors or the powerful top 20 per cent who have a monopolistic control over available legal work, litigative as well as non-litigative. Added to the plight of these people are their professional inadequacies, including poor legal education, communication and transaction skills and poor infrastructure support to learn and develop themselves.

Because of their numerical strength and lack of appreciation for professional ethics, they are in the forefront of agitational politics and exploitative practices. They decide who will go to the Bar Councils and how they manage the legislative, executive and judicial functions vis-À-vis the profession. Resolutions are sometimes adopted to boycott courts, prohibit practice by foreign lawyers in India, stall the implementation of laws intended to expedite administration of justice, deal with differences with the police and courts, and on organising legal education. They sit in judgment on complaints against other lawyers. With such absolute powers, they are a source of threat to the independence of the subordinate judiciary.

Instances may be a few but they cannot be ignored. Occasional stories in the media of lawyers attacking policemen on duty and judges before whom they practise are ignored as aberrations rather than symptoms of a disease causing the malfunctioning of the system itself. It requires no less than a high power committee of lawyers, judges, and public men with a mandate like that of the Justice S.R. Das Committee appointed in the 1950s to look into the malaise and propose futuristic reforms.

Having been closely associated with legal education and, to some extent, with legal and judicial professions for nearly five decades, I would submit some proposals, not necessarily new, for the consideration of reformist groups:

(a) Legal education should be liberated from the dominant control of the Bar Councils and entrusted to legal academics with freedom to innovate, experiment and compete globally. The National Knowledge Commission has made some recommendations in this regard which deserve attention of the Bar, the judiciary and the government.

(b) There should be compulsory apprenticeship, Bar examination and screening on acceptable parameters before a law graduate, Indian or foreign, can be licensed to practise in Indian courts. Those who want to practise as non-litigating lawyers should have a different roll for enrolment and a separate entry examination, perhaps under a special professional body within the Bar Council.

(c) Given the importance that ADR is assuming in our judicial system, there is a clear need to develop professionals as mediators and arbitrators. They can be non-lawyers as well provided they have the necessary training and are bound by the ethics adopted for the purpose. Once trained mediators and arbitrators are available in adequate numbers, there is need for standardisation and accreditation for which professional agencies have to be set up under the law, perhaps distinct from the Bar Council.

(d) A need is now being felt for a trained cadre of para-legals who can service the work in courts, legal aid agencies, law offices, legal divisions of corporate enterprises and NGOs involved in the delivery of legal services. Some universities impart para-legal education at the end of which diplomas are awarded. Eventually, it may be necessary to standardise and develop this activity.

(e) All the above professional roles which trained persons have to discharge will require constant upgrading of knowledge, skills, attitude and ethics. This is possible only through organised and well-supervised continuing legal education programmes, which are singularly absent in India today. Judges have acknowledged the need for induction and in-service training and are on the job through a network of academies under the National Judicial Academy. Lawyers and prosecutors have nothing in place excepting a few ad hoc attempts by the Bar Council of India Trust towards the end of last century.

(f) After the establishment of World Trade Organisation and India getting actively involved in trade liberalisation, including trade in legal services (under GATS), there is no escape from allowing equal treatment to law persons from other jurisdictions. This can be advantageous to the Indian legal profession which is becoming almost the largest in the world.

(g) In order to address and resolve local problems arising in the administration of justice, there appears to be a need for a joint forum of lawyers, judges and administrators at the district level. The district judiciary and the district Bar Association should have critical decision-making authority to negotiate arrangements and resolve problems independent of the High Courts and the Bar Councils.

(h) There is a case for rewriting the code of ethics for advocates. Advertising rights within certain parameters have to be allowed to ensure better access to specialised legal services for people in need. Contingency fee system now illegally operating in some sectors of legal practice may have to be legalised under certain controls. Multi-disciplinary and multi-professional partnerships may have to be allowed, subject to certain conditions for disciplinary proceedings.

(i) It is important to acknowledge that the age of specialisation has come in the legal services as well. Therefore, the profession should have rules to accredit lawyers based on their specialisation and provide facilities for them to improve their professional competence.

(j) Mechanisms for ensuring compliance with professional discipline are weak and ineffective at present. There should be participation of representatives of other related professions in disciplinary committees. Retired judges should invariably be associated with them. There should be greater transparency in disciplinary proceedings, the result of which should be widely publicised in legal circles.

The prospects of judicial reforms already in various stages of implementation would depend for their success on the seriousness and urgency with which the government and the legal profession bring about the changes proposed.

(Professor (Dr.) N.R. Madhava Menon is former Director of National Law School, National University of Juridical Sciences and National Judicial Academy.)

© Copyright 2000 - 2008 The Hindu

Courtesy_
THE HINDU

Tuesday, February 19, 2008

Voicing support to LTTE no offence: Karunanidhi

Voicing support to LTTE no offence: Karunanidhi

February 18, 2008 19:10 IST

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi on Monday reiterated that the Supreme court had observed that mere expression of support to a banned organisation like the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam was not an offence.

Reacting to All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam supremo J Jayalalithaa's challenge whether he could quote the apex court order to this effect, he said, "When the issue was raised in the state assembly on January 29, he had given a detailed reply and the same was published in a English daily. Being a former chief minister, Jayalalithaa could have obtained a copy of the order in the POTA case from her lawyers and studied it properly before throwing the challenge."

He said when Congress member C Gnanasekaran raised the issue and demanded action against Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi leader Thol Thirumavalavan for organising a conference in support of LTTE, the government could not take any hasty action as the apex court itself had said mere expression of support to a banned organisation would not be liable for penal action.

When Jayalalithaa came to the House the next day and countered him saying he had misled the House by incorrectly citing the Supreme Court judgment, Law and Public Works Minister Duraimurugan read out the relevant portions of the order, but she was not willing to listen.

In an interview to a English daily, he had given details of the Supreme Court order, but Jayalalithaa was repeatedly raising the issue without reading the judgment properly, Karunanidhi said.

The order produced by Justices S Rajendra Babu and G P Mathur stated: 'Offence under Section 3(1) of POTA will be constituted only if it is done with intent. If Parliament stipulates that the 'Terrorist Act' itself had to be committed with the criminal intention, can it be said that a person who 'professes' (as under Section 20) or 'invites support' or 'arranges, manages, or assists in arranging or managing a meeting' or 'addresses a meeting' (as under Section 21) has committed the offence if he does not have an intention or design to further the activities of any terrorist organisation or the commission of Terrorist Acts? We are clear that it is not.'

Karunanidhi further quoted the order, which said: 'Therefore, it is obvious that the offence under Section 20 or 21 or 22 needs positive inference that a person has acted with intent of furthering or encouraging terrorist activity or facilitating its commission. In other words, these Sections are limited only to those activities that have the intent of encouraging or furthering or promoting or facilitating the commission of terrorist activities. If these Sections are understood in this way, there cannot be any misuse.'

However, Jayalalithaa had launched a disinformation campaign and was trying to blame him for everything, whether it rained or shined in the State, in a bid to remove the government and come back to power, he said.

Courtesy_
http://us.rediff.com

Fraudulent drama by Karunanidhi: Jayalalithaa

Fraudulent drama by Karunanidhi: Jayalalithaa

Tuesday February 19 2008 00:00 IST

"úUôN¥ SôPLm SPjÕ¡\ôo': ù_VX#Rô

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Courtesy_
Dinamani

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Monday, February 18, 2008

Sonia controversy over "Order of Leopold"

Accepting the ‘Order of Leopold’ from the King of Belgium by Sonia Gandhi

Monday February 18 2008 00:00 IST

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